From Heretic to Hedonist: Kang Youwei’s Transformation of Yang Zhu

At the end of the nineteenth century, Chinese intellectuals had to respond to the dire situation of their country. Against this background, the leading intellectual Kang You-wei aimed to re-establish some traditional values. Although Yang Zhu had long been employed rhetorically in pre-modern China, Kang reconstructed Yang Zhu as an ancient master who had a coherent theory centered around two expressions: wei wo (serving one’s own interest) and zong yu (indulging in desires). However, there is a tension in Kang’s attitudes towards Yang Zhu: on the one hand, he criticizes Yang Zhu for when he reflects upon the despotic nature of Chinese governance; on the other hand, Kang sees the positive sides of wei wo and zong yu in the achievement of the Great Unity. Despite the ambiguity, Kang’s choice of vocabulary still made an impact to the portrayals of Yang Zhu after his: his portrayal turned this master into someone highly relevant to modern China; he also showed the possibility of reading Yang Zhu in a positive light.


Introduction
By the mid-19th century, the traditional Sinocentric worldview was no longer suitable for China in a world of nations.In what Chang Hao calls the "transitional period", China was undergoing a national crisis both politically and existentially 1 (Chang 1999, 29).Toward the last quarter of the 19th century, Chinese intellectuals had to respond to the dire "historical situation" and "existential situation" the nation faced (Chang 1987, 4).They not only were forced to re-examine the inherited political order, but also had to find ways to negotiate the legitimacy of traditional Chinese concepts.At the end of the 19th century, scepticism of the functional effectiveness of the institutional order as well as its moral legitimacy was widely prevalent (ibid., 5).It was against this background that Kang Youwei 康有為 (1858-1927), a leading intellectual and political activist in the late Qing dynasty, aimed to "reveal" the truth of traditional Chinese thought by reconstructing Chinese intellectual history and re-establishing traditional values.In this process, the pre-Qin master Yang Zhu 楊朱 (who allegedly lived around 400 BC) was given an important role.In contemporary academic discourse, Yang Zhu is discussed as the founder of the Yangism, whose theory is characterized by its emphasis on maintaining physical integrity.He is also labelled a Daoist, hedonist, individualist, and egoist on the basis of the fragmented information preserved in early sources.Perhaps the most influential portrayal of Yang Zhu comes from the Mencius, which associates Yang Zhu with the expression wei wo 為我 ("serving one's own interest"), and depicts Yang Zhu as someone who is unwilling to sacrifice one hair for the benefit of the world.A similar description of Yang Zhu can also be found in the Liezi, 2 of which the seventh chapter is titled "Yang Zhu".Modern reconstructions of Yang Zhu's hedonistic ideas usually take this chapter as their main reference (Brindley 2022). 3 This paper aims to show that these modern constructions of Yang Zhu were only possible because of Kang's unprecedented transformation of Yang Zhu.Before Kang, the Yang Zhu figure-who had no full book recorded to his name-had barely received any detailed scholarly attention (Defoort 2020a, 235-56).It was Kang who pulled Yang Zhu into discussions of the relationship between individuals and the nation, which continued reappearing for half a century.It is thus worthwhile to consider what Kang did with Yang Zhu, and how the latter fitted into his project.This investigation not only shows Kang Youwei from a novel perspective, but also unravels some major constituents of Yang Zhu's modern portrayal.
Regarding Kang Youwei, extant scholarship tends to focus on either his role in political history or his adoption and transformation of Confucianism (Bell 2010;Gan 2003;Jiang 2003).The few studies of Kang's views on non-Confucian thought include Wei Yixia's research on Kang's views on the pre-Qin masters 4 (Wei 2014, 14-17;2017, 40-45), Lee Ting-mien's paper on the role of Mohism in Kang's arguments for his New Text Theory of Confucianism (Lee 2020, 461-77), and Carine Defoort's examination of Yang Zhu in Kang's Kongzi gaizhi kao 孔 子改制考 (Confucius as a Reformer) (Defoort 2020a, 250-53).Still, how Kang discusses the masters in light of his own political imagination and how he transforms the masters' theories remain rather overlooked in the field.
Regarding Yang Zhu, contemporary scholarship tends to ruminate on whether the accepted portrayals offer accurate accounts of his philosophy without acknowledging when and how these portrayals came to be (Shi 2015, 11-18;Huang 2008, 13-15).Some also study the modern portrayals of Yang Zhu, but these discussions appear to be built upon the assumption that these portrayals are modern expressions of the authentic philosophy of Yang Zhu (He 2015).An exception might be Li Yucheng's study of the historical constructions of Yang Zhu's image as a "heretic", in which he traces the representative texts that present portrayals of Yang Zhu from different periods in Chinese history and argues that Yang Zhu's image as a heretic was amplified after the Tang-Song dynasty to serve the needs of the time (Li 2017, 51-61).Nonetheless, a detailed study of the novel and various portrayals of Yang Zhu in modern China is still lacking.
Combining Kang and Yang, this  wo and would not even pull out a single hair for the benefit of the world9 (Bloom 2011, 150).Although this portrayal may have been an invention of Mencius's and did not receive much attention from his contemporaries or other pre-Han generations (Defoort 2018, 165-84), the concise expression wei wo was so powerful that it became the dominant characteristic identified with Yang Zhu from at least the Song dynasty onward (Defoort 2020a, 247-50).In line with this tradition, Kang also describes Yang Zhu with the expression wei wo.However, there are two twists to Kang's reading of Yang Zhu's wei wo, which also lead to the other two key points of Kang's portrayal, namely, Yang Zhu's doctrine of zong yu and his association with Laozi.
The second notion that Kang comes up with, zong yu, has a totally different origin and history.An examination of the Diaolong Database of the Full Chinese and Japanese Classical Texts shows that before the Qing dynasty, the term zong yu was not mentioned in relation to Yang Zhu, and when Yang Zhu was discussed in terms of his attitude towards yu 欲 ("human desires"), he was associated with Laozi and was characterized as someone wu yu 無欲 ("without desires").The earliest use of the term zong yu can be found in the "Wanmu Caotang koushuo 萬木 草堂口說 (The Speeches Recorded in the Myriad Trees Academy)" (Kang 2007f, vol. 2, 132), a collection of Kang's lecture notes recorded by one of his students in 1896.Here Kang states that "Yang Zhu places emphasis on zong yu 楊朱講 求縱欲"10 (Kang 2007f, vol.2, 177).For Kang, the relation between wei wo and zong yu is a relation between ideology and practice: "Yang Zhu holds 'wei wo' as his core idea; what he says follows the practice of zong yu 楊朱以為我為宗旨， 所言以縱慾為事"11 (Kang 2007h, vol. 3, 41).Kang also believes that "Yang's teaching promotes indulging in desires, and thus it flourished 楊氏之學縱慾， 故盛行" (Kang 2007f, vol. 2, 179).One year later, this conclusion of Yang Zhu's ideology of wei wo and his practice of zong yu is drawn in the Kongzi gaizhi kao 孔子改制考 (Confucius as a Reformer) based on passages Kang quotes from the "Yang Zhu" chapter.These quotes depict Yang Zhu as someone who maintains that "in life, people care for each other; after death, people abandon each other 生相憐，死相捐", we ought to "act by following one's heart and not disobey the inclinations of nature 從心而動，不違自然所好", that "if no one sacrificed a single hair and no one benefited the world, the world would be well governed 人人不損一毫，人人不利天下，天下治也", and that as for "big houses, pretty clothes, rich flavour, and beauty, if one possessed all four of them, what more would one demand from the external world 丰屋，美服，厚味，姣色，有此四 者，何求於外" (Kang 2007h, vol. 3, 40;Yang 1985, 238). 12The overall image in these statements is of someone who follows his natural disposition, namely by valuing this-worldly carnal enjoyments, and who has little concern about others and the after-life.Despite the fact that Kang does not elaborate on these quotes, this image seems to be what he relies on to present the idea that Yang Zhu's theory is really about wei wo and zong yu.
The third key point of Kang's portrayal is Yang Zhu's connection with Laozi.
The earliest association between Yang Zhu and Laozi can be found in the "Yu Yan" chapter of the Zhuangzi and the "Huang Di" chapter of the Liezi. 13Both these texts record Yang Zhu's journey to the South and his conversation with his teacher Laozi 14 (Watson 2013, 237;Graham 1990, 51).These two texts also be-13 While in the "Yu Yan" chapter the protagonist of the anecdote is named 陽子居 and in the "Huang Di" chapter he is named Yang Zhu, scholars usually take these two as the same person.Despite the controversy concerning the author and the date of the outer chapters of the Zhuangzi and the Liezi, and that there is a slight difference between what is written in these two texts, they might still be the earliest texts that mention Yang Zhu and Laozi's meeting.
14 The anecdotes recorded in the Zhuangzi and the Liezi are highly similar.Here I quote from the Zhuangzi.
Ziju went south to Pei, and when he got to Liang, he went out to the edge of the city to greet Lao Dan, who had been traveling west to Qin, and escort him in.Laozi stood in the middle of the road, looked up to heaven, and sighed, saying, "At first I thought that you could be taught, but now I see it's hopeless!"Yang Ziju made no reply, but when they reached the inn, he fetched a basin of water, a towel, and a comb and, taking off his shoes outside the door of the room, came crawling forward on his knees and said, "Earlier I had hoped to ask you, sir, what you meant by your remark, but I saw that you were occupied and didn't dare.Now that you have a free moment, may I ask where my fault lies?" Laozi said, "High and mighty, proud and haughty-who could stand no live with you!The greatest purity looks like shame; abundant virtue seems to be insufficient."When Yang Ziju first arrived at the inn, the people in the inn came out to greet him.The innkeeper stood ready with a mat, his wife with towel and comb, while the other guests moved politely off their mats, and those who had been warming themselves at the stove stepped aside.But when Yang returned from his interview with Laozi, the people at the inn tried to push him right off his own mat.(Watson 2013, 237-38) came evidence for later scholars to associate Yang Zhu with Laozi.One such person was the Song scholar Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200).In response to the question why Mencius did not attack Laozi, he answered that Mencius attacked Yang Zhu because Yang Zhu's learning came from Laozi. 15In line with these precedents, Kang also saw Yang Zhu as a disciple of Laozi.But no previous scholar had enhanced this lineage connection as much as Kang did.For Kang, the teachings of Laozi and Yang Zhu were essentially one.This is seen in several aspects of Kang's portrayal.First of all, unlike his predecessors, Kang did not merely make a vague claim about the resemblance between Laozi and Yang Zhu's teaching, but rather directly attributed wei wo to Laozi.He illustrated Laozi's idea of wei wo with the Book of Changes: "Laozi's idea of 'wei wo' grasps the gist of four words from the Book of Changes: humbleness, receding, modesty, ensnaring 老子'為我 者'，得《易經》'卑,退,謙,陷'四字" (Kang 2007f, vol. 2, 176).Secondly, Kang contended that Laozi's theory inevitably led to an idea of zong yu: Laozi said: heaven and earth are inhumane.They take everything as straw dogs.Sages are inhumane, they take common people as straw dogs.A lack of humaneness to others leads to wei wo and zong yu.If one can be wei wo and zong yu, then he does not take into consideration anyone or anything.He denies both the people and the state.Thus, Mencius considered that a denial of one's ruler.
Relying on the portrayal of Yang Zhu in the Mencius, the overall image suggested in the "Yang Zhu" chapter, and the association between Laozi and Yang Zhu, Kang manages to rescue Yang Zhu from being part of a rhetorical trope and solidifies him as an ancient master with a theory.Having attributed an elaborate theory to Yang Zhu, Kang gives him greater relevance in a modern context.

A Negative Reading of wei wo and zong yu.
Traditionally, the heretical Yang Zhu has long been the target of criticism.In line with this tradition, Kang also takes Yang Zhu as someone to blame.However, as the traditional criticism tended to take Yang-Mo as a rhetorical trope due to his threat to the Confucian Way, Kang's reproval towards Yang Zhu leaves out Mozi and pays more attention to Yang Zhu.From Kang's perspective, Yang Zhu's theory characterized by wei wo and zong yu has debilitated China with its influence on China's governance and the Chinese mentality.This portrayal also relies on Kang's unprecedented emphasis on Yang Zhu's association with Laozi.By firmly merging Laozi and Yang Zhu into one lineage, Kang attributes not only Yang Zhu's doctrine of wei wo to Laozi, but also Laozi's buren ("inhumaneness") to Yang Zhu.For Kang, the idea of inhumaneness accounts for a political system and mentality founded upon the idea of ren 忍 ("indifference"), which is the exact opposite of the idea of buren 不忍 ("compassion") that he believes to be ideal for the Great Unity. 16  In his eyes, the problem with the adoption of wei wo and zong yu in China is that it has the powerful effect of bringing a dynasty to its end.When wei wo and zong yu are applied, not only are the rulers' actions affected, but the officials are as well.
Kang believes that the rulers of China follow Laozi and Yang Zhu's doctrine of wei wo so that they "restrain their subjects and take the world as their private possession 鉗製臣民，自私其天下" (Kang 2007i, vol. 5, 493).The officials in government also follow the doctrine of wei wo, and "in the worst case, they seek private gain 下者營私" while "in the better cases, they cultivate personal integrity 上者獨善" (Kang 2007c, vol. 1, 345).This then leads to the severe situation that a dynasty is brought to its end, which can be shown in two examples Kang offers: "Li Si brought an end to [the Qin dynasty] under the rule of the second emperor and Yang Guang brought an end to the Sui dynasty.[These instances only occurred] because Yang Zhu's theory of indulging in desires set a precedent 李斯 之亡二世，楊廣之亡隋，皆楊朱縱欲之說開之也" (Kang 2007f, vol. 2, 207).
However, what concerns Kang more is that following Yang Zhu's doctrine is not a problem of the past but an on-going one.It was because Yang Zhu's ideas had already been deeply rooted in the Chinese mind that China was in its weak state.
16 A direct translation of the character ren 忍 is "withstanding," "enduring" or "restraining" oneself from.However, in the context of Kang's discussion, this idea should be understood as an opposite of buren 不忍 that positively refers to one's inability to endure the suffering of others.Ren would then refer to the ability to endure the suffering of others.Here, I follow the translation of Kung-chuan Hsiao (1975) and translate buren as compassion.The translation of ren as "indifference" is meant to be the opposite of compassion.
For Kang, the "evil of wei wo secretly prevailed in the Han dynasty and has not been disposed of to this day 為我之私陰行漢世，至今不廢" (Kang 2007h, vol. 3, 216).It "is the great poison of China 為中國大毒" (Kang 2007, vol. 5i, 493).Because Laozi and Yang Zhu's theories are popular among the people: The sages are inhumane; they see the people as the dogs of straw.Therefore, they reduce and exterminate the heart of compassion, becoming more and more indifferent until there is nothing left.Then they act from nothing but the wish to indulge in desires.This is also what ordinary folks enjoy in common, which is why their way still prevails until today.
That is poisonous for the Great Way.As I have said, the learning of Lao and Yang brought great calamity to China.2007i, vol. 5, 497) Because the spirit of indifference is so prevalent in China, even the people with great knowledge and noble conduct cannot behave other than prudently and silently and consider nothing but the preservation of their bodies.They sit by negligent of the predicament experienced by their ruler and fathers; they sit by without sympathy for the predicament experienced by their family, teachers and friends; they sit by unconcerned about the subjugation of their nation and the genocide of their people.

雖有碩學髙行之人，但為謹默之行，保身之謀。坐視君父之難 而不顧，坐視宗親師友之難而不恤，坐視國亡種滅而從容. (ibid., 497-98)
The prevalence of Yang Zhu's doctrine was not only affecting China's present state, but also impacting its future.That is, it was preventing China from achieving the Great Unity.Kang's vision of the Great Unity is founded upon the Confucian concept of ren 仁 ("humaneness").Humaneness is not only "the universal virtue for all beings" (Chang 1987, 29), but also a worldview that signifies what the world essentially is or should be (ibid., 37).The idea of humaneness then naturally leads to the idea of compassion and sympathy for other people.As Kang states, "the Confucian Way is founded on humaneness; compassion is its theme; sympathizing with the suffering of the people is its mission 孔子之道 本仁，以不忍為宗，以同民患為義" (Kang 2007i, vol. 5, 498).The heart of compassion (buren 不忍) is also why the Great Unity is attainable 17 (ibid., 414).Kang describes human history "as proceeding from the chaos generated by selfish instincts to the joyful experience of global peace and commonality" (Brusadelli 2017, 105).In this blueprint, the Great Unity will be realized in the process of humanity overcoming people's instincts to prioritize their individual selves and finally reaching moral perfection of humaneness.However, "the governance of the world has been dominated by Laozi's learning for thousands of years 數千 年治天下，皆老學" (Kang 2007f, vol. 2, 176).The fundamental difference between Laozi and Confucius is that Laozi's theory is defined by its inhumaneness and indifference, whereas Confucianism is defined by humaneness and compassion.This means a polity built upon Laozi's theory would be the exact opposite of the Great Unity.Since Yang Zhu's notions of wei wo and zong yu generated from Laozi's theory of inhumaneness and resulted in a reduction of compassion, to build a polity on Yang Zhu's theory is to enact the spirit of indifference: (Laozi) treats others with inhumaneness.Thus, he only acts out of self-interest and that is it; he indulges in desires and that is it.Supposing he can act out of self-interest and indulge in desires, he would not care about anything else, which amounts to a denial of other people and the state.That is why Mencius thinks he dismisses his ruler.於人不仁，故 只為我而已，縱欲而已。苟可以為我縱欲，則一切不顧，無人亦 無國，故孟子以為無君.(Kang 2007i, vol. 5, 492-93) That is to say, because of the enactment of Laozi and Yang Zhu's theory, China stood far away from the end goal of human history, which is the Great Unity.While still referring to the traditional Mencian comments on wei wo, Kang's interpretation of it in relation to Yang Zhu is nothing short of innovative.Although Kang's portrayal of Yang Zhu still echoes the traditional portrayal, it is in fact far from conventional.Kang preserves the negative image traditionally associated with Yang Zhu.But in Kang's discourse, Yang Zhu was a master identified with specific doctrines.Yang Zhu's doctrines of wei wo and zong yu, he believes, were not only adopted by Chinese rulers, but also practiced by Chinese people.They were also problematic, and this dominance of Yang Zhu's theory explains the weakness of China and why the Great Unity had not been achieved.That being said, Kang's perception of Yang Zhu is much more complex, and not outrightly negative.In Kang's earlier writings, his discussion of wei wo and zong yu shows the possibility of a positive reading of Yang Zhu, even though he is never mentioned there.

A Positive Reading of wei wo and zong yu
The Datong shu, which Kang claimed to have begun drafting as early as 1884, probably contains Kang's most advanced ideas regarding an ideal future.Except for the first two chapters, which appeared in Kang's journal Bu Ren 不忍, Kang voluntarily kept the Datong shu unpublished because he believed the book was too advanced for that time (Brusadelli 2020, 7).Although the question of when the Datong shu was composed remains contested, 18 Kang's datong ideas were already present before 1884.Another unpublished manuscript bearing the title Kangzi nei wai pian 康子內外篇 (Esoteric and Exoteric Essays of Master Kang) was written around the same time, namely 1886 19 (Hsiao 1975, 419).While some scholars believe that Kang's "attitude toward the characteristic Confucian values perceptibly less radical" in the Nei wai pian, this manuscript still gives the impression that its general intellectual outlook is identical with the Datong shu (ibid., 51).Despite the early date of composition, the ideas in these works were meant for a distant future that China would eventually arrive at.It is also in this manuscript that Kang offers an unconventionally positive reading of the supposedly heretical concepts of wei wo and zong yu.Although he does not explicitly refer to Yang Zhu, he still discusses the notion of wei wo in opposition to the notion of jian ai 兼愛 ("undifferentiated love"), 20 two expressions consistently associated with Yang Zhu and Mozi, respectively, in Chinese intellectual history.Despite the negative implications that are traditionally attached to these two concepts, Kang manages to offer a naturalistic reading: wei wo is transformed from selfish intentions to self-development, and zong yu from a negative sense of indulging in desires to a positive sense of giving free rein to one's desires.With 18 Hsiao (1975, 50-55) has presented a debate on dating the composition of Datong shu.
19 James Z. Gao (2009, 298) states that the Kangzi nei wai pian is a collection of fifteen essays written around 1886, of which nine were published in The China Discussion (Qingyibao 清議報) in 1899, and the remaining six remained unpublished.Kang explains that the "esoteric essays deal with the principles governing Heaven, earth, man, and things", while the "exoteric essays cover matters relative to government, education, arts, and music".Although this explanation can be found in Kang's self-edited chronological biography, it is impossible for us to tell which essays belong to the esoteric or to the exoteric.Although these essays do not present a systematic philosophy, according to Hsiao Kung-chuan (1975, 419), they still indicate the general tenor of Kang's thinking at this stage.The ideas expressed in these essays can even be read as the precursors of what will later be developed in the Book of Great Unity.Qingyibao was a newspaper founded on December 23, 1898, by Liang Qichao after he was exiled to Japan; its purpose was to introduce Western political theories and democratic ideas to China.Qingyibao was published every 10 days.Each issue included political editorials, news, translations, and book reviews.Qingyibao criticized the Qing conservatives headed by Dowager Empress Cixi and praised the Guangxu emperor, who supported radical reform.The mission of the newspaper was to advocate Liang's ideal of constitutional reform.On December 21, 1901, a fire destroyed the paper's offices and its publication ceased.
20 For current views on the translation of the term jian ai, see Defoort (2020b, 708-09).
this reading, the concepts of wei wo and zong yu are incorporated in Kang's vision of the Great Unity and transformed into ideas that are crucial in the achievement of the Great Unity.
An indication of Yang Zhu's presence in this chapter might be Kang's discussion of wei wo as an opposite to jian ai: the concepts of wei wo and jian ai are both mentioned in the first paragraph and explained as the two extreme sides that mark the periphery of xue 學 ("learning")21 (Kang 2007b, vol. 1, 107).Although some Neo-Confucians warned against danger of Mozi's jian ai for its resemblance with the Confucian concept of ren 仁 (Cheng and Cheng 1981, 231-32), Kang asserts that "there is no fault with inclusive care 兼愛無弊" (Kang 2007b, vol. 1, 107).However, the situation concerning the concept of wei wo seems to be more complicated.Kang explains that: There are four types of wei wo: those who (live) for their dispositions are common people; those who (live) for their reputations are virtuous people; those who (live) for their bodies are Daoists; those who (live) for their souls are Buddhists.…為我有四：一為我之質，眾人是也；一為我之名，賢人是也；一 為我之體，道人是也；一為我之魂，佛學是也.22 (ibid.) As we saw earlier, in the discussions where Kang explicitly associates the notion of wei wo with Yang Zhu, it seems to refer to selfishness.However, when Kang discusses the notion of wei wo without explicit reference to Yang Zhu, it becomes a concept that resembles self-development towards a designated destination.Being wei wo is a neutral concept of choosing to pursue something one cares about.
The discussion on wei wo is almost immediately associated with a discussion on yu 欲 ("desires").For Kang, desires are natural endowments of Heaven that should be perceived neutrally.Following the quote above, Kang states that: Each of these four types is following what their nature is close to, only that common people take interest in shape and bodies, thus, they have desires.Since these are also endowed by Heaven, they cannot be forbidden.Thus, even sages cannot do without music and sex… That is to say, desires are nothing but one's liking.The reason people have desires is due to the physicality of being human and there is no point in prohibiting desires.However, that does not mean there is no limit for desires.While Kang believes that desires are inherent, he explains that they "cannot be unrestrained 不得 肆者" because "Heaven imposes limitations 天有限焉" (such as one's lifespan) and "humans have regulations 人有制焉"."The sages know that desires are rooted in Heaven 聖人知欲之本於天也" so they "serve them 事之", but they also worry that people might indulge in desires, so they make rules to "restrain them" 束之".With this, Kang concludes that "those people who live for themselves, do what they do, and do not do what they should not do; that is all 夫人也，為我 之質者，為其所以為，無為其所不為，斯已矣" (ibid.).In other words, being wei wo is essentially satisfying the desires given by one's disposition and restraining other desires as necessary.
The close connection between wei wo and desires also sheds new light on the concept of zong yu, which also implicitly relates to Yang Zhu.In this context, zong yu no longer connotes a negative sense of indulging in desires as when it is explicitly associated with Yang Zhu, but rather a positive sense of giving free rein to one's desires: All creatures that have blood and breath necessarily have desires; having desires, they invariably give them free play. 23To be without desires is simply to be dead.The most desireless are the Buddhists; but they give free rein to the desire to preserve the soul.The most desireless are the sages; but they give free rein to the desire for humanness and righteousness … 24 Thus, what reins them in is due to having blood and breath, and what gives them free rein is due to having blood and breath.
凡為血氣之倫必有欲，有欲則莫不縱之，若無欲則惟死耳。最無 欲者佛，縱其保守靈魂之欲；最無欲者聖人，縱其仁義之欲… 故 夫制之者血氣也，縱之者血氣也.(Kang 2007b, vol. 1, 103-04) 23 The verb Kang uses in this passage to collocate with yu 欲 ("desires") is zong 縱, which is the same verb in the compound zong yu 縱欲 that is attributed to Yang Zhu.I choose to translate the word zong as "giving free play" or "giving free rein to" in this passage instead of "indulging in" in previous translations of zong yu to highlight the difference of the term when used in different contexts.
In this reading, certain desires are repressed so that one can give more important desires free play.But to give free rein to the more important desires and to rein in the less important ones are choices made by humans.In other words, the reason people can restrain or not restrain desires is because we are human.
The concept of zong yu is thence incorporated in Kang's narrative of a utopian ideal.Kang believes that compassion (buren 不忍) is the foundation for establishing a good polity.According to him, "To take the heart of compassion (as the foundation) and to implement a polity of compassion-even the heart-mind of Yao and Yu was not more than that 以不忍人之心，行不忍人之政，雖堯、 禹之心，不過是也" (Kang 2007b, vol. 1, 97).More importantly, compassion is also a type of yu that can be given free rein to.From Kang's perspective, although the "heart of compassion" 不忍之心 is restrained by one's power and longevity, the "desire of compassion" 不忍人之欲 has the potential of being freed from restraints (ibid., 104).Not only does Kang believe that the "desire of compassion" can be given free rein, but he also counts on it.It is exactly because of the restraints put on compassion by people's lifespan and the limited population that only by giving free rein to an individual's desire of compassion that the effect of compassion can be strengthened.This idea of "compassion" is so crucial that later it is developed into the core of the attainment of the Great Unity in Kang's Esoteric Meanings of the Mencius, drafted around 1902 (Kang 2007i, vol. 5, 498). 25he heart of compassion … Everyone has it.That is why Mencius says that humans by nature are all good.Since there is already the heart of compassion, it spreads outward and thus forms the polity of compassion.
If humans did not have the heart of compassion, even the sages would not have had this seed, and then all the humane polity would have nothing to grow from.Thus, we know that all humane polities grow from the heart of compassion.It is the sea of myriad transformations, the root of everything, the origin of everything.This one kernel can grow into a tree that reaches into the sky; this one drop can multiply into a sea.The humane caring of humanity, the civilization of humanity, the evolution of humanity, even universal peace and great unity all come out of it.不忍人之心……人人皆有之，故謂人性皆善。既有此不忍人之 心，發之於外，即為不忍人之政。若使人無此不忍人之心，聖人 亦無此種，即無從生一切仁政。故知切仁政皆從不忍之心生，為 萬化之海，為一切根，為一切源。一核而成參天之樹，一滴而成 大海之水。人道之仁愛，人道之文明，人道之進化，至於太平大 同，皆從此出。 (Kang 2007i, vol. 5, 414) Thus, what makes the Great Unity achievable is the inherent compassion in all humans.It is also due to humans' ability to choose which desires are to be given free rein, implicit in the natural tendency to be wei wo and to zong yu, that they can enlarge and spread their inherent compassion and therefore that a humane polity can be established.Even though Kang does not explicitly refer to Yang Zhu, Yang Zhu is undeniably present through his choice of vocabulary.Kang not only establishes a strong connection between wei wo and zong yu, but also perceives them as key elements of the attainment of the Great Unity.

Conclusion
Yang Zhu had long been employed rhetorically instead of being studied seriously as a pre-Qin master with his own teachings in pre-modern China.The short expression wei wo that Mencius attributed to Yang Zhu had a great effect on how scholars of later generations perceived Yang Zhu.However, a reconstruction of Yang Zhu's theory only seems to have begun with the late Qing intellectual Kang Youwei.Kang relied on the Liezi to solidify Yang Zhu as an ancient master who had a coherent theory.In this process, Kang shifted the focus away from the age-old Yang-Mo trope and to a Lao-Yang lineage; the expressions wei wo and zong yu were attributed to Yang Zhu as his core ideas.Whether or not explicitly related to Yang Zhu, they were seen by Kang as deeply intertwined.However, Kang remained ambiguous in his views of these two notions: when they were explicitly associated with Yang Zhu, they were the doctrines that weakened China; when they were not explicitly associated with Yang Zhu, they were the key elements to achieve the Great Unity.So far, this ambiguity seems unresolvable.Possible explanations for it might be that Kang was not aware of the ambiguity himself; or that he was aware of it, but decided not to acknowledge it and so left Yang Zhu out of the positive vision.Despite the ambiguity, Kang's choice of words still had an impact on the portrayals of Yang Zhu that followed his.Kang's depiction of Yang Zhu turned this master into someone highly relevant to modern China.It also showed the possibility of reading the notions of wei wo and zong yu in a positive light, and this had implications for new, positive interpretations of Yang Zhu. Liang Qichao 梁啟 超 (1873-1929), for instance, subsequently contended that Yang Zhu was an early Chinese philosopher of rights whose theory was beneficial to strengthening China.26

Kang's Portrayal of Yang Zhu
paper aims to offer a case study of Kang's transformation of the heretic Yang Zhu.I demonstrate how for the first time in Chinese intellectual history Yang Zhu was attributed an elaborate, coherent theory instead of being taken as a mere rhetorical tool, as well as how Kang turned this traditional underdog into someone relevant to modern China.By taking a closer look at the lecture notes transcribed by Kang's students in 1896 5 and his writings before 1904, 6 this paper examines Kang's portrayal of Yang Zhu in a way that departs 4Wei has done a series of studies on Kang's views on the pre-Qin masters.The earliest appearances of Yang Zhu can be found in the sources drafted from the pre-Qin era to the Han dynasty, such as the Mencius, Xunzi, Zhuangzi, Han Feizi, Huainanzi, Liezi, Shuoyuan 說 苑 (Garden of Stories), Hanshu 漢書 (Book of Han), and Zhonglun 中論 (Discussions on the Mean Way).In the Lü Shi Chun Qiu 呂氏春秋 (Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Lü), there also seems to be a Yang Sheng 陽生 who promotes ideas on valuing the self, which is also considered to be the textual evidence of Yang Zhu.